Many primarily rural castes, such as Kolisthe largest castehave remained predominantly rural even today. For example, among the Khadayata Vanias there are all-Khadayata associations as well as associations for the various ekdas and sometimes even for their tads (see Shah, Ragini 1978). In the past the dispersal over a wide area of population of an ekda or tad was uncommon; only modern communications have made residential dispersal as well as functional integration possible. Usually, a single Koli division had different local names in different parts of Gujarat, but more about this later. Systematic because castes exist and are like each other in being different (298). This category has the following 18 subcategories, out of 18 total. 4 0 obj Jun 12, 2022. There was also a third category called Pancha, derived from the word punch (meaning 5) and denoting extremely low Vania. Although it has been experiencing stresses and strains and has had ups and downs on account of the enormous diversity between the royal and the tribal ends, it has shown remarkable solidarity in recent years. In the case of some of them the small population was so dispersed that a division such as that of barbers, blacksmiths, or carpenters, would be represented by only one or two households in each village and by a significant number of households in towns. Plagiarism Prevention 4. The Kayasthas and Brahma-Kshatriyas, the so- called writer castes, employed mainly in the bureaucracy, and the Vahivancha Barots, genealogists and mythographers, were almost exclusively urban castes. Within each of these divisions, small endogamous units (ekdas, gols, bandhos) were organized from time to time to get relief from the difficulties inherent in hypergamy. For example, all Vania divisions were divided into a number of ekdas or gols. Bougies repulsion) rather than on hierarchy was a feature of caste in certain contexts and situations in traditional India, and increasing emphasis on division in urban Indian in modern times is an accentuation of what existed in the past. For example, the Khadayata Brahmans worked as priests at important rituals among Khadayata Vanias. It is important to note that the more literate and learned Brahmans lived in towns, more particularly in capital and pilgrim towns, which were, indeed, the centres of higher Hindu culture and civilization. Disclaimer 9. James Campbell (1901: xii), the compiler of gazetteers for the former Bombay presidency comprising several linguistic regions, wrote about Gujarat: In no part of India are the subdivisions so minute, one of them, the Rayakval Vanias, numbering only 47 persons in 1891. The guiding ideas were samaj sudharo (social reform) and samaj seva (social service). A recent tendency in sociological literature is to consider jatis as castes. Each ekda or gol was composed of a definite number of families living in certain villages and/or towns. manvar surname caste in gujarat Radhvanaj Rajputs were clearly distinguished from, and ranked much above local Kolis. Thus, finding any boundary between Rajputs and Kolis in the horizontal context was impossible, although there were sharp boundaries between the two in the narrow local context. This reflects the high degree of divisiveness in castes in Gujarat. As Ghurye pointed out long ago, slow consolidation of the smaller castes into larger ones would lead to three or four large groups being solidly organized for pushing the interests of each even at the cost of the others. <>/ExtGState<>/ProcSet[/PDF/Text/ImageB/ImageC/ImageI] >>/Annots[ 9 0 R] /MediaBox[ 0 0 612 792] /Contents 4 0 R/Group<>/Tabs/S/StructParents 0>> Thus, while each second-order Koli division maintained its boundaries vis-a-vis other such divisions, each was linked with the Rajputs. The prohibition of inter-division marriage was much more important than the rules of purity and pollution in the maintenance of boundaries between the lower-order divisions. There is enormous literature on these caste divisions from about the middle of the 19th century which includes census reports, gazetteers, castes-and- tribes volumes, ethnographic notes and monographs and scholarly treatises such as those by Baines, Blunt, Ghurye, Hocart, Hutton, Ibbet- son, OMalley, Risley, Senart, and others. I should hasten to add, however, that the open-minded scholar that he is, he does not rule out completely the possibility of separation existing as independent principle. Third, although two or more new endogamous units came into existence and marriage between them was forbidden thereafter, a number of pre-existing kinship and affinal relationships continued to be operative between them. No one knows when and how they came into existence and what they meant socially. Traditionally, the Brahman division was supposed to provide the priests for the corresponding divisions. The small ekda or tad with its entire population residing in a single town was, of course, not a widespread phenomenon. At the other end were castes in which the principle of division had free play and the role of the principle of hierarchy was limited. The Mehta family name was found in the USA, and the UK between 1891 and 1920. Thus, the result was the spread of the population of a caste division towards its fringes. It is not claimed that separation, or even repulsion, may not be present somewhere as an independent factor (1972: 346,n.55b). Some ekdas did come into existence in almost the same way as did the tads, that is to say, by a process of fission of one ekda into two or more ekdas. Moreover, a single division belonging to any one of the orders may have more than one association, and an association may be uni-purpose or multi-purpose. Further, during this lengthy process of slow amalgamation those who will marry in defiance of the barriers of sub-caste, will still be imbued with caste mentality (1932: 184). Systematic study of small caste divisions in villages as well as in towns still awaits the attention of sociologists and anthropologists. Leva Sheri and Kadva Sheri, named after the two major second-order divisions among the Kanbis. The change from emphasis on hierarchy to emphasis on division is becoming increasingly significant in view of the growth of urban population both in absolute number and in relation to the total population. While we can find historical information about the formation of ekdas and tads there are only myths about the formation of the numerous second-order divisions. On this Wikipedia the language links are at the top of the page across from the article title. Many of them claimed that they were Brahmans but this claim was not accepted by most established Brahmans. After the commercial revolution of the 16th and 17th centuries, Gujarat had a large number of tradition towns on its long sea-coast. gujarati surnames castes Hypergamy was accompanied by sanskritization of at least a section of the tribal population, their claim to the Kshatriya Varna and their economic and political symbiosis with the caste population. Gujarati migrations to the nearby metropolis of Bombay the first new centre of administration, industry, commerce, education, and western culture, followed the same links. There was not only no pyramid type of arrangement among the many ekdas in a second-order Vania divisionthe type of arrangement found in the Rajput, Leva Kanbi, Anavil and Khedawal divisions-but frequently there was no significant sign of hierarchical relation, except boastful talk, between two neighbouring ekdas. Even if we assume, for a moment, that the basic nature of a structure or institution was the same, we need to know its urban form or variant. From the 15th century onwards we find historical references to political activities of Koli chieftains. They took away offerings made to Shiva, which was considered extremely degrading. The patterns of change in marriage and in caste associations are two of the many indications of the growing significance of the principle of division (or separation or difference) in caste in urban areas in Gujarat. In the plains, therefore, every village had one or more towns in its vicinity. Briefly, while the Varna model was significant in the total dynamics of the caste system to fit the numerous first-order divisions into the four-fold Varna model in any part of India is impossible, and, therefore, to consider varnas as caste divisions as such is meaningless. 4 GUJARAT 4273 SHODA . Castes pervaded by divisive tendencies had small populations confined to small areas separated from each other by considerable gaps. 92. Report a Violation, Caste Stratification: Changing Rural Caste Stratification, Caste in Rural India: Specificities of Caste in Rural Society. Most of them were, true to their name, rulers at various levels of the political hierarchy from the kingly level to the level of dominant caste in many villages. Jun 12, 2022 . One of the clearly visible changes in caste in Gujarat is the increasing number of inter-divisional or so-called inter-caste marriages, particularly in urban areas, in contravention of the rule of caste endogamy. Toori. Among the first-order divisions with subdivisions going down to the fourth order, there are associations for divisions of all the orders. The migration of the Kolis of north Gujarat into central Gujarat and those of the latter into eastern Gujarat was a process of slow drift from one village to another over a period of time. While the Rajputs, Leva Patidars, Anavils and Khedawals have been notorious for high dowries, and the Kolis have been looked down upon for their practice of bride price, the Vanias have been paying neither. These divisions have, however, been kept out of the present analysis for reasons which have become well known to students of Hindu society since the 1950s. This tendency reaches its culmination in the world of Dumont. The co-residence of people belonging to two or more divisions of the lower orders within a division of a higher order has been a prominent feature of caste in towns and cities. I know some ekdas, and tads composed of only 150 to 200 households. For example, there were two ekdas, each with a large section resident in a large town and small sections resident in two or three neighbouring small towns. Our analysis of caste in towns has shown how it differed significantly from that in villages. This list may not reflect recent changes. It is noteworthy that many of their names were based on names of places (region, town, or village): for example, Shrimali and Mewada on the Shrimal and Mewar regions in Rajasthan, Modh on Modhera town in north Gujarat, and Khedawal on Kheda town in central Gujarat. window.__mirage2 = {petok:"uGhRfiuY26l2oZgRlfZRFSp4BWPIIt7Gh61sQC1XrRU-3600-0"}; Vankar is described as a caste as well as a community. It has already been mentioned that every first-order division was not divided into second-order divisions, and that every second-order division was not divided into third-order divisions, and so on. We shall return to the Rajput-Koli relationship when we consider the Kolis in detail. Similarly, in Saurashtra, the Talapadas were distinguished from the Chumvalias, immigrants from the Chumval tract in north Gujarat. While we do get evidence of fission of caste divisions of a higher order into two or more divisions of a lower order, the mere existence of divisions of a lower order should not be taken as evidence of fission in a division of a higher order. As weaving is an art and forms one of the most important artisan community of India. They adopted Rajput customs and traditions, claimed Rajput status, and gave daughters in marriage to Rajputs in the lower rungs of Rajput hierarchy. Tirgaar, Tirbanda. Similarly, the Vanias were divided into such divisions as Disawal, Kapol, Khadayata, Lad, Modh, Nagar, Nima, Porwad, Shirmali, Vayada, and Zarola. The Hindu and Muslim kingdoms in Gujarat during the medieval period had, of course, their capital towns, at first Patan and then Ahmedabad. One of the reasons behind underplaying of the principle of division by Dumont as well as by others seems to be the neglect of the study of caste in urban areas (see Dumonts remarks in 1972: 150). so roamed around clueless. In all there were about eighty such divisions. The decline was further accelerated by the industrial revolution. 1 0 obj For example, the Patanwadia population was spread continuously from the Patan area to central Gujarat, and the Talapada population from central Gujarat to Pal. The Rajputs, in association with Kolis, Bhils, and such other castes and tribes, provide an extreme example of such castes. Visited Ahmedabad for the weekend to meet a friend but her family had a medical emergency. While some of the divisions of a lower order might be the result of fission, some others might be a result of fusion. The primarily urban castes and the urban sections of the rural-cum- urban castes were the first to take advantage of the new opportunities that developed in industry, commerce, administration, the professions and education in urban centres. Although the people of one tad would talk about their superiority over those of another tad in an ekda, and the people of one ekda over those of another in a higher-order division, particularly in large towns where two or more tads and ekdas would be found living together, there was no articulate ranking and hypergamy among them. [CDATA[ I will not discuss the present situation in detail but indicate briefly how the above discussion could be useful for understanding a few important changes in modern times. In the second-order divisions of the Leva Kanbis, the Anavils and the Khedawals, while the hypergamous tendency was strong, attempts were continually made to form small endogamous units: although the strength of the hypergamous tendency did not allow these units to function effectively, they nevertheless checked its free play to some extent. In a paper on Caste among Gujaratis in East Africa, Pocock (1957b) raised pointedly the issue of the relative importance of the principles of division (he called it difference) and hierarchy. Almost every village in this area included at least some Leva population, and in many villages they formed a large, if not the largest, proportion of the population. We have analyzed the internal structure of two first-order divisions, Rajput and Anavil, which did not have any second-order divisions, and of several second-order divisionsTalapada and Pardeshi Koli, Khedawal Brahman, and Leva Kanbiwhich did not have any third-order divisions. * List of Scheduled Tribes in Gujarat; A. . The degree of contravention is less if the couple belong, let us say, to two different fourth-order divisions within a third-order division than if they belong to two different third-order divisions within a second-order division, and so on. Weavers became beggars, manufacturing collapsed and the last 2000 years of Indian textile industry was knocked down. When Mr. H. Borradaile in A.D. 1827 collected information regarding the customs of Hindus, no less than 207 castes which did not intermarry, were found in the city of Surat alone. But there were also others who did not wield any power. And how flexibility was normal at the lowest level has just been shown. There were about three hundred divisions of this order in the region as a whole. The degree of contravention involved in an inter-divisional marriage, however, depends upon the order (i.e., first-order, second-order, etc.) The point is that there was nothing like the endogamous unit but there were only several units of various orders with defined roles in endogamy. But during the 18th century, when the Mughal Empire was disintegrating, a large number of small kingdoms came into existence, and each had a small capital town of its own. Today majority of these community members are not engaged in their ancestral weaving occupation still some population of these community contribute themselves in traditional handloom weaving of famous Patola of Patan, Kachchh shawl of Bhujodi in Kutch, Gharchola and Crotchet of Jamnagar, Zari of Surat, Mashroo of Patan and Mandvi in Kutch, Bandhani of Jamnagar, Anjar and Bhuj, Motif, Leheria, Dhamakda and Ajrak, Nagri sari, Tangaliya Shawl, Dhurrie, Kediyu, Heer Bharat, Abhala, Phento and art of Gudri. Which caste is Vaya surname? : r/gujarat - reddit.com I am not suggesting that the principle of hierarchy was insignificant in the inter- or intra-caste relations in urban centres. There is a patterned widening of the connubial field along an area chalked out historically. Usually it consisted of wealthy and powerful lineages, distinguishing themselves by some appellation, such as Patidar among the Leva Kanbi, Desai among the Anavil, and Baj among the Khedawal. History. This was dramatized in many towns at the mahajan (guild) feasts when all the members of the guild of traders would eat together. Division and hierarchy have always been stressed as the two basic principles of the caste system. As regards the specific case of the Rajput-Koli relationship, my impression is that, after the suppression of female infanticide in the first half of the 19th century, the later prohibition of polygyny, and the recent removal of princely states and feudal land tenures among the Rajputs on the one hand, and the increasing sanskritization as well as Rajputization among the Kolis on the other, marriage ties between these divisions have become more extensive than before.
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